This well-researched and exhaustive biography amassed by acclaimed US journalists Farah and Braun tracks the rapid growth of the empire of Viktor Bout, the world’s biggest private arms dealer. Bout has been implicated in supplying weapons to some of the most disreputable leaders, governments and rebel groups around the world and is accused of fuelling conflicts from Kabul to Kinshasa but has, incredibly, never been prosecuted. The authors build a dizzying case against Bout, with meticulous detail gained from interviews with Bout-watchers around the world, spooks and informants. The text is perforated with dramatised episodes which, although entertaining, muddle the tone of the book. It works well as a piece of investigative journalism, and would work well as a dramatised biography. The authors should ask whether their purpose is to inform, entertain or lobby for Bout’s prosecution. On the whole, ‘The Merchant of Death’ is recommended for students looking to gain an insight into the arms trade, conflict dynamics and the bureaucracy of intelligence agencies.

As the author of ‘Come Back Alive’ and ‘The World’s Most Dangerous Places’ it’s perhaps no surprise that this latest offering from Pelton includes a heady mix of danger, action, travel and general James-Bondery whilst remaining a rich and informative piece of investigative journalism, albeit on the right-hand side of things. Pelton dodges IED alley with Blackwater, Crosses the Afghan-Pakistani border in disguise and interviews coup plotters, mercenaries, ministers and GI Joes. What he comes up with is an entertaining look at the issues surrounding the Privatisation of Security. What makes a mercenary? Why are PSCs being increasingly used in conflict zones around the world? Should the West be outsourcing force? How much? Who are PSCs like Blackwater accountable to? Pelton allows the main players and men on the ground on all sides a rare chance to have their say, but perhaps lets his clear fascination with people who have dangerous lifestyles taint his response to these important questions. Still, recommended.

Part political biography, part travel yarn and part detective thriller, ‘Wizard of the Nile’ chronicles a Reuters reporter’s quest to track down and interview Joseph Kony, the elusive leader of Ugandan rebel group the ‘Lord’s Resistance Army’ and one of the world’s most wanted men. Self-styled spiritual medium, Kony and his men have been responsible for some of the most brutal and under-reported violence in the world over the last 20 years, terrorising the people of Northern Uganda in a campaign which, at its height, forced 2 million people into IDP camps. Green’s journey takes him through Uganda, Sudan and the DRC meeting key players and victims from both sides of the conflict on the way. The ups and downs of his trip are entertainingly woven together with recent history and politics building to a balanced, thought-provoking and ground-breaking perspective on the factors prolonging one of Africa’s longest-running wars.

Young, naïve and just beginning his adult life, Arkady Babchenko was conscripted into the Russian army. It was 1994, and that meant he was destined to be sent to one place – Chechnya.

Chechnya is unquestionably one of the most savage and brutal conflicts of the post Cold War era. He along with thousands of other conscripts suffered routine horrific physical abuse by their peers. These beatings were systematic through the army ranks. Colonels beat Majors, Majors beat... and the new recruits were beaten by all. Soldiers were poorly fed and barely trained for the horrors to which they would face in combat. The impact of the events prevented Babchenko from being able to readapt to civilian life. When the second war broke out he re-enlisted as a contract soldier. He returned to the life he knew best, one of beatings, murder and injustice. Babchenko also criticizes the Russian public for continuing their everyday lives in ignorance of the slaughter of their young just two hour’s flight away from the capital, Moscow. This book is a highly descriptive account of just one soldier’s experiences in the Caucasus. The level of openness and detail gives the reader a great insight into the psychological thoughts and effects of his experiences similar to that of other authors such as A. Swaffield’s ‘Jarhead’.

This book is an ambitious introduction to the complex and well-publicised Palestine-Israel conflict. Although the conflict features regularly on news programmes, it is difficult to find a short, digestible piece of literature on the topic; literally, the answer to the question Mick Jagger asked, which Harms quotes at the start of the preface, “Who’s fighting and what for?” Thus the book aims to provide an answer to this without bias, as well as counteracting the commonly held assumption that the conflict has religious and primordial roots, stemming back thousands of years.

Harms is an accessible writer. Although the book is full of detail – it includes a summary of every important historical and political turning point – the reader does not feel lost amongst the information. Where the book succeeds is in the way it informally guides the reader through this information, offering insights into how various events have accumulated and added to the crisis, whilst never presupposing a certain degree of knowledge. This is what makes the book useful for beginners to the Palestine-Israel conflict. Overall, a very good introduction to the issues.

This book is essential for those who are interested in globalisation and the world economy. Full of detail, Gray argues that the free market, which is being promoted across the world by Anglo-Saxon economies, under the auspices of international organisations such as the IMF, is essentially unstable. The belle époque of the free market in the UK in the late 19th century did not last, and neither can a free market 05 September, 2010. Gray analyses the economies of various countries and shows that the retreat of the state from economic life does not naturally produce a free market economy, rather, the contrary is true; “The free market is a construction of state power” (p.211). Furthermore, cultural pluralism renders the American, New Right ideal of hegemony in free market economic policy absolutely redundant. Policies favouring liberalisation are irreversible and can never be universalised. Social disintegration and growing inequalities have ensued because of them. Further ideas and arguments are put forward in this book, all of which are useful and critical to an understanding of the deep-seated problems of free market economic policies.

This book examines the impact of utopian ideologies on society. Ideologies based on the view that history is teleological and progress towards a certain condition is inevitable are flawed and stem from apocalyptic religion. A utopian society cannot be achieved and, furthermore, attempts to realise it have caused great suffering. This is illustrated most recently by the neoconservative attempts at imposing liberal democracy on other states, for example, in Iraq. The arguments in this book are interesting and a good range of examples, from past and present, are used. Even if at times it appears quite pessimistic, it is easy to follow the analysis and be convinced by many of the arguments.

The book spans the last decade of British policy in Africa and coincides with the premiership of Tony Blair and New Labour’s increased focus on Africa. Blair oversaw the creation of a new department for international development and a theme of the book is DFID’s complex relationship with the foreign office. Porteous analyses New Labour’s development initiatives of the past decade with a critical eye. The narrative at once brings the reader up to speed with recent events on the continent concisely, whilst summarising and analysing the relationships between various African governments and also with Britain in digestible fashion. The behind-the scenes activities of the leading politicians entertainingly shine through the discussion and Porteous introduces new perspectives on the government’s use of policy tools, particularly what he terms ‘celebrity humanitarianism.’ All in all ‘Britain in Africa’ provides a readable, informed and objective summary of recent changes in UK development policy at an important juncture in domestic politics.

Stewart takes the view that it is the micro-relationships between Iraqis and foreigners rather than overarching policy decisions, which have shaped the occupation of Iraq. Therefore, his memoir of governing in Maysan and Nasiriyah is a rich succession of anecdotes and episodes that illuminate wonderfully the chaos and absurdity the author faces in reconstructing one of the most neglected areas of the country. Stewart translates his emotions into prose brilliantly. At times anger, bewilderment and frustration; at times hope, excitement and amusement ‘Occupational Hazards’ is as much of a review of the course of events in Iraq as it is an educating insight into the culture and history of the region. Framed by quotes from Machiavelli and Sumerian literature, his personal journey is perhaps the book’s most interesting feature and a fascinating account of a resourceful personality stretched by prolonged challenge.

In 1993 Samuel P. Huntington released an article in Foreign Affairs which caused so much debate that he wrote this book. Huntington argues that during the Cold War, ideology and economics obscured the true source of conflict that will prevail; cultural and religious. Eight major civilizations exist across the globe through affinity of language, customs, religion and institutions. The conflicts of the future will not be ideological or economic but will occur across the fault lines between civilizations. Hungtington argues that the Muslim civilization has had particularly ‘bloody borders’ throughout history exemplified by its belligerent fault lines with Western, Hindu, African, and Orthodox civilizations. This controversial book is so large in scope that it is hard to imagine how such a grand thesis could ever be compiled. Those who believe that liberal democracy and western values are ultimately going to prevail and that we have reached, as Francis Fukuyama says, ‘the end of history’ must read this thoroughly absorbing book.

This highly readable memoir details the experiences of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in post-war Iraq, as told from the author’s perspective as governor of Al-Kut province. From the outset, the author establishes several themes. Firstly, a sense of deep confusion proliferates and is fuelled by the team’s inability to infiltrate and influence Iraqi society. Anecdotes on Iraqi culture are often coloured by this perplexion. The mammoth nature of Etherington’s task, governing a million-strong province with an initial team of just two, lends insight to the often under-reported perspective of the Western contractor. The author fetishises the US military and it becomes clear he too is unable to come to terms with the occupation’s gradual loss of control. Etherington at times writes beautifully and with flourish. The prose has an ominous quality as the latent spectres of Iran, Moqtada al-Sadr’s Jaish al-Mahdi, and his enemies within the bureaucracy emerge and conspire to produce an enthralling and thought-provoking climax.

Second Chance examines the tenure of the three Presidents; Bush I, Clinton and Bush II and their effects on America’s status as a global leader. Brzezinski, former National Security Adviser to President Carter and distinguished academic examines how each President has dealt with the ‘victorious’ position America found itself in after the end of the Cold War. Brezenski argues that the collapse of the Iron Curtain meant that America was presented with an unexploited chance to lead in the global arena. Critical of all Presidents, Brezenski condemns Clinton’s enthusiastic adherence to the theory of ‘globalisation’ and Bush I casual and careful approach to the former Soviet states, but is most unyielding about the flaws of Bush II foreign policy. Brzeznski writes that there is a second chance for the US to be a global leader if it decides to reinforce the ‘Atlantic Alliance’, lead on issues of environment, influence China’s growing role and reverse its position on Israel/Palestine. Second Chance is succinct, enlightening and absorbing.

The Islamist is an autobiographical account of Ed Husain life during a five year period when he became an Islamic fundamentalist. At the age of sixteen Husain was thrust into a life of ‘Islamism’ by joining the East London Mosque and eventually Hizb ut-Tahrir, a political party whose ultimate goal is to unite all Muslim countries ruled under Islamic law. This book gives the reader an insight into the methods and techniques that are used to sway young Muslims to extremist Islam or “Wahhabismâ€?, an ultra-conservative interpretation of Islam. Husain, who has now rejected political Islam, describes how these organisations use appealing ideas of a “political Islamâ€? to sabotage what he believes to be a more personal, moderate Islam. Although this book is largely anecdotal in its analysis of the rise of a British-born political Islam and by no means comprehensive it provides a lucid account that should be read by all interested in religious extremism.

Written by the Washington post’s former bureau chief about life inside the bubble that it the Green Zone; a sectioned off area within Baghdad where imperial Viceroy Bremer conducted his operations to ‘reconstruct’ Iraq. From hundreds of interviews and government documents Chandrasekaren has painted a vivid picture of life within the Zone; where you can buy burger king, go to discos and where even the slightest criticism of the Bush administration will make you an outsider in this idealist micro-society. Bremer has decided to spread democracy the American way. Neoconservative ideas to privatise, create tax laws and implement a stock market are pushed forward while unemployment explodes, sectarian violence brims on the horizon and food rations are abandoned. As the country descends into civil war, Bremer continues to live in his protected little American ‘world’ chanting ‘Mabruk al-Iraq al-Jedeed’; ‘Congratulations to the new Iraq.’

In this thoroughly readable book Murray writes about his time as ambassador in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. The Karimov regime, a brutal dictatorship, has been an ally in the ‘war on terror’. Because of this it has been able to keep up his oppressive society with little or no interference from the West. “Murder in Samarkandâ€? which almost never got released due to censorship from the government unfolds Murray’s attempts to expose the dire situation. Torture used to obtain confessions of allegiance to the Taliban without fair trial is exposed by Murray as fraudulent information that is being systematically used as diplomatic currency to the UK and USA. Murray writes a very personal and uncomforting story of how the British government refused to acknowledge even the most tenable of human rights abuses, tried to silence him and ultimately proved the callousness of the diplomatic world.